Samstag, 23. Dezember 2006


Abdul Khaliq shayeed

was born in 1916 and his father, Mawladad, had a special hand in his upbringing from the start. He showed special attention to his young son and was very much involved in Khaliq’s life. When his son was old enough, Mawladad applied and got Abdul Khaliq admitted to Lycee Nejat. Abdul Khaliq developed a special relationship with the members of the Charkhi family and was especially close with Shah Bibi Khanum, the wife of Ghulam Jelani, whom he highly respected and considered to be like his own mother.

Abdul Khaliq was a very serious young man from the start. He was emotional and hot-headed and people always said he had the characteristics of a real man even at a young age. Determination resonated from his very being; he was a decent and honest man, always kept his word and was punctual, was handsome and athletic, particularly fond of gymnastics and soccer. All his life he was surrounded with politically-motivated figures and was aware of their stance and of the situations around him. It wasn’t unusual that he himself became revolutionary; after all, he did not have a normal childhood, one of carefree days and equal footings. The special attention his father bestowed on him by keeping him educated and informed made it seem as if Abdul Khaliq had accomplished ‘the destination of one hundred years of travel in one night,’ thus giving him the experiences and knowledge of a much older person. He was changed to a fighter, not scared of anything and was able to fight against tyranny.

Afghanistan had to be purged of such a cruel and barbaric person as this Nadir Khan, who never tired of sending out his prejudiced and hate-filled decrees and new ways of torturing and killing Hazaras. Abdul Khaliq refused the idea that he was the one born guilty, as was the mentality of most Hazaras because of the laws of Nadir Khan. He knew it was the ruler himself who was not only born guilty but was, in fact, digging his own grave. Khaliq knew that by eliminating the tyrant he would go down in history and be remembered by such a noble cause. No matter how young he died, he knew that his name would at least live eternally. And yes, the people of the world and of the region, especially the Hazaras and non-Hazaras, have realized that indeed, young Abdul Khaliq had taken a noble mission as his own personal duty. This has become even more evident in the past few decades as people realized just how big of a despot Nadir Khan really was. In the beginning, the news and media were all manipulated by Nadir Khan’s family but now that people are less afraid to report and write the truth, the shadow of lies have slowly been pushed aside, revealing the facts and reality. In the last few decades, people have been writing the no-longer censored truth and Abdul Khaliq changed from a “John Wilkes Booth” to a shining star for those who suffered for too long under tyrants, he became to be known as a symbol of freedom, equality, and justice.

The dark times led Abdul Khaliq to his life’s mission. The monarchs and their mercenary family openly admitted to terrorizing groups of people in order to keep their precious crowns and their position of power. They kept the masses in the dark, kept them from being educated so that hardly anyone would be able to tell what was right and what was wrong. It’s been recorded that Abdul Rahman Khan has committed genocide against the Hazara, eradicated 62% of their population. Those who lived were forcefully removed from their ancestry lands of Urzogan, Zabul, and Kandahar.

Abdul Khaliq’s family was among those that were forcefully removed. His grandfather was from Daya, Foland and for a short time they were settled in Dahzangi and Ghazni. During Abdul Rahman’s time, Abdul Khaliq’s grandfather was forced to run away with his family in order to save their lives. Their positions, money, and any valuables along with their land were taken away by Amir Rahman Khan. Their lands were to be given to kuchi nomads who were moved in from Indian or other areas. Abdul Rahman’s grandfather had no other choice but to helplessly watch half of his family be executed; those that couldn’t escape were murdered to make sure they would never come back. Abdul Khaliq’s grandfather was survived by two sons by the name of Mawladad –Abdul Khaliq’s father – and Khodadad. Both of them found work with the family of Charkhi. Mawladad worked for Ghulam Sediq while Khodadad worked for Ghulam Jelani. Later on, when Abdul Khaliq was old enough to work, he worked alongside his uncle for Ghulam Jelani.

Mawladad, Khaliq’s father, was a very educated man. He was self-taught and read whenever he could get the chance. He would often accompany Ghulam Sediq on short business trips to Europe and learned how to fluently speak German, English, and Russian. He was also very politically opinionated, well aware of everything that was happening around them. Abdul Khaliq and his family came under the influence of movements for social justice and democracy. Abdul Khaliq was especially moved by these ideas and at a younger age was influenced by the movements. He witnessed the struggle for freedom and social justice and willfully became a partner and follower himself to fight against the tyranny of the puppet region of the British.



Martyr Khaliq became a member of the secret organizations and the young revolutionary Hazara wanted to show he was fully committed to them. He wanted to prove that he was capable to perform any mission and he made contacts with people anywhere that he could. The Charkhi family was a very political family and they admired his willingness. In his school, Lycee Nejat, several of the teachers were politically motivated as well and they helped Khaliq establish contacts. One of his teachers, Mohammed Azim Khan, and the Vice Principal, Mohammed Ayub Khan, would often discuss such politicized issues and Khaliq grew more aware from these people. He constantly thought about the future of his country and of ways he could help.

Khaliq of the Hazaras was the son of a disadvantaged society, who were denied basic rights. He would gaze upon his vast underprivileged people, the inheritors of suffering. Just as how a blacksmith shapes steel by first placing it in a fiery furnace, Khaliq was shaped the same way. He endured the fiery furnace of poverty, of unbearable and unfair disadvantages of his kind and was thus shaped into a man of steel; nothing could hurt him after what he had witnessed first hand. In this continuous struggle of his people, he became the torchbearer and knew he had to do something about the injustices that had wrongly befallen his people.

He came to understand what his sole mission in life was and knew he would be the one to accomplish it. And so he looked for every opportunity to carry out his task. One day, in Kabul, parts of a fortress were to be rebuilt and Nadir Khan was placing the first foundation stone as a ceremonial gesture towards the reconstruction. Abdul Khaliq attended the function with plans of executing his mission there but other circumstances arose and he was not successful and so, he had to wait for another day. Abdul Khaliq then had hopes of performing his duty during the month of Sunbolah, on the anniversary of when Nadir Khan overthrew Kalakani’s government and taken over power. But again, circumstances arose that kept Khaliq from accomplishing his task. Then, Khaliq was given a chance on November 8th, 1933. On this day, Nadir Khan was planned to attend the final examinations of Lycee Nejat as well as act as a judge on the Fall sport tournaments. He was scheduled to go to different classes and observe while the students took their final exams.

One of the classes he attended was Abdul Khaliq’s. Nadir Khan walked through each row, glancing around him without a care and reached the row where Khaliq was standing. He took that first auspicious step and his fate was sealed. As Nadir Khan took a few more steps into the row, Khaliq stepped out of his place and came forward to meet Nadir Khan in a calm and relaxed manner. His gun rose as call to battle and Khaliq pulled the trigger and fired a bullet aimed at the tyrant in front of him. Before anyone could react, he pulled the trigger again and once again and Nadir Khan’s body shook with each hit before dropping to the floor, motionless once and for all. Abdul Khaliq had finally accomplished his task, killing one of the worse tyrants in history, the puppet of the British, an evil and unprincipled man who had betrayal running through his veins.

Abdul Khaliq was neither ashamed nor scared of his actions. He did not run away to hide or to escape; he was a man and wanted to face the circumstances. It did not take long for Nadir’s henchmen to give the news to Nadir’s brothers. All the freedom-loving people and those against the tyranny and injustice had cause to celebrate; they said they would always remember this day as the victory of righteousness over evil. Abdul Khaliq surpassed even placing the “bell around the cat’s neck” and went straight to eliminating the cat altogether.

However, even in death, Nadir managed to spread injustice like a toxin spilling over. Nadir Khan’s brothers and clan wanted to kill every single student in the school for what had happened to the ruler. The rest of the governmental officials intervened and consulted with them and convinced Shah Mahmood, Nadir Khan’s brother, that the killer and the supposed accomplices were arrested and that the other 2,000 students had nothing to do with it.

In the afternoon of December 19, 1933, when it was so cold that even a stone would crack, injustice was administered once more upon Khaliq and his people. Not only was Khaliq arrested but several innocent people were taken as well: Mahmud Khan, his teacher; Mawladad his father; Khodadad his uncle; Qurban Ali, the cold water seller; his mother’s brother Rabbani; Mustafa and Latif, the youngsters of the Charkhi family; Ali Akbar Meshir; Mahmud, the employee of Anis Press; Students Mir Masjidid, Mohammed Zaman, Mohammed Aziz, Mohammed Eshaq; Mohammed Ayub, the Vice Principal of Lycee Nejat a.k.a Amani High School; Mohammed Azmeem, a teacher. Aside from them, 21 of Abdul Khaliq’s family members, friends and acquaintances including two of his uncle’s little children Abdullah, 9, and Abdul Rahman, 11, were taken as well. They were all taken towards the southern gate of Ark to be shot and then hanged. There was no trial, no chance to defend oneself, nothing. 17-year old Khaliq was condemned to be martyred. Many others were imprisoned for no stated reason, like Hafiza, Khaliq’s 9 year old sister, who ended up dying in prison because of mistreatment.

Abdul Khaliq was tortured before he was killed. Though the human body could only take so much, Khaliq showed incredible endurance. His animalistic punishers dried to demanded to know who his accomplices were and who the mastermind behind his mission was. They wanted him to name names and would not relent the severe punishment until he spoke. But all Khaliq would say was that he took full responsibility and that only he should be punished and no one else. It fell on deaf ears, however.

One of his friends, Mohammed Eshaq, was tortured so much, he could not control his emotions and anger any longer. While screaming and moaning in pain, he yelled at Abdul Khaliq, saying “What kind of damn friend were you? Why didn’t you tell us and trust us with your plan? Why did you keep it a secret? Together, we would have killed the entire team of these bastards. We would not have left one of them alive. And so, it’s your fault we are in this position, we could have gotten rid of them all.” They were his last words to Khaliq before he was hanged.

Khaliq saw his only regret was that he did not confide in anyone else. He said, “Yes, he was right. My precautions were all meaningless. I was consumed with the need to rid us of Nadir Khan that I did not consider his marauders would be so unjust. Please forgive me.” Khaliq’s body was cut into many pieces, slowly and one by one, he was shown his severed body parts before they were tossed away. There was nothing left of him to hang.

Khaliq and his friends and family will always be remembered by the people of Afghanistan for their courage and the elimination of such an evil and corrupted man. They lost their lives, had sacrificed their lives for the Hazaras, Tajiks, and other people. These were the brave people of our nation, standing up to face tyranny in the face.

One should ask, because of Khaliq’s actions, why did others have to be killed? Why did the barbarians murder Khaliq’s father, his uncle, his mother’s brother, his 9 and 11 year old cousins, his classmates, teachers, and various other people? Why did other have to be locked up in prisons for something they obviously had no part in? Years later, the skulls of those people were found in the jail cells. What kind of mentality did these barbarians have? How could any civilized person think this was right? Human beings are not capable of this kind of cruelty, only the tribal mentality would lead someone to punish innocent people so severely. This is beyond the cruelty of Changiz Khan, who has one of the worst reputations of being brutal. Even Changiz did not kill his own Mongolians so how could Nadir Khan and his inhumane clan members kill their own countrymen? The soulless yes-men of Nadir Khan did everything for money or perhaps out of fear; they wrote books and articles insulting and badmouthing Khaliq. They have eliminated every single member of Khaliq’s family until there is no trace of his bloodline left. They were able to murder innocent people and children and yet they are the ones condemning one single act of Khaliq’s.

Before the hero Khaliq pulled the trigger, he had surrounded himself to God. He said, “Almighty God, I am doing this to save my people from this tyrannical dictator. I will sacrifice my life so that my people can have a chance of a better future. You are the only Witness I need. With my blood, I seek peace for my nation. And so, I am asking you to forgive me.” And then he pulled the trigger.

That trigger pushed Afghanistan into the next chapter of its dark history as Nadir Khan’s brother and son rose to power like a multi-headed beast. But for that one second before the bullet escaped the chamber, there was a glimmer of hope that perhaps Abdul Khaliq would not die in vain.



Haji Mohammad Mohaqiq

Haji Mohammad Mohaqiq is a high-ranking official of the Hizb-e-Wahdat political party of Afghanistan. He came to prominence during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the Afghan Civil War, becoming one of the two most prominent Hazara Leaders during the 1990s alongside Abdul Ali Mazari.
As part of the Northern Alliance during the civil war, Muhaqiq led numerous successful attacks against the ruling Taliban government from his stonghold of the Hazarajat. In 2001, his militia, alongside with those of Uzbek Leader Abdul Rashid Dostum and Tajik warlord Mohammed Atta, captured Mazari Sharif from the Taliban, the first major victory of the Northern Alliance in the final months of the civil war.
Following the overthrow of the Taliban, Mohaqiq was appointed Minister of Planning and one of four vice chairmen in the transitional government led by Hamid Karzai, but later resigned over differences with members in the government.
Mohaqiq was a candidate in the 2004 Afghan presidential elections, placing third behind Karzai and current parliamentary leader Yunus Qanuni.
Currently, Mohaqiq is a member of the Afghan parliament and has become one of the leading opponents in the parliament to Hamid Karzai's administration.
Sultan Ali Kishtmand
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Sultan Ali Keshtmand (b. 1935) was an Afghan politician. He served twice as Prime Minister during the 1980s, from 1981 to 1988 and from 1989 to 1990 during the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.
A Hazara, occupied the highest ever position from his community in the pro-Moscow People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan regime that tenuously ruled Afghanistan in the 1980s.



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Early years
Keshtmand was born in Kabul. He is a member of the minority Hazara ethnic group. He studied economics at Kabul University and became involved in the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan. He joined the Parcham Faction of that party, which was led by Babrak Karmal.



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Role in politics
Immediately after the April 1978 coup in which the People's Democratic Party came to power, forming the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, Keshtmand became minister of planning.
He lost that post in August 1978 when he was arrested for an alleged plot against President Nur Mohammad Taraki, a member of the rival Khalq faction of the party.
The PDPA Politburo ordered the arrest of Keshtmand and Public Works Minister Muhammad Rafi’i for their part in the possible anti-regime conspiracy. He and inmates went through severe torture and long imprisonment.
He remained in prison and was sentenced to death, but this decision was soon revoked and he was resentenced to 15 years in prison.
On December 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, bringing Babrak Karmal and the Parcham faction to power. He was released from jail, and was once again restored in the Politburo.
Friction among the and People's members heightened in 1980 when Karmal removed Assadullah Sarwari, a member of the People's Party, from his position as first deputy prime minister and replaced him with Sultan Ali Keshtmand.
Keshtmand, a Parchami, soon became one of the most important leaders of the regime. In June of 1981, Karmal retained his other offices, but resigned as prime minister and was succeeded by Keshtmand.
A 21-member Supreme Defense Council headed by Najibullah effectively assumed power.
The rise in the deficit greatly concerned the government, and as Prime Minister Keshtmand noted in April 1983 that the tax collections were inadequate in view of the increased state spending. The security situation in the country, however, prevented the government from improving its tax collections.
In September, 1987, the Kabul government sponsored a large convocation of Hazaras from various parts of the country and offered them autonomy. In his speech to the group, Keshtmand said that the government was going to set up several new provinces in the Hazarajat that would be administered by the local inhabitants.
==Rise to power and the fall
He served as Prime Minister from 1981 to 1988 and 1989 to 1990, and as vice-President from 1990 until 1991, when he was dismissed shortly before the fall of the government.
A mujaheddin radio station reports intra-Parcham (a faction of the PDPA) (P) clashes in Kabul between supporters of Najibullah and Keshtmand, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Council of Ministers.
Non-PDPA member Mohammed Hassan Sharq was selected by President Najibullah to be the new prime minister, replacing Keshtmand. This move was made in order to free spaces in the new government for nonparty candidates.
He then left Afghanistan, first moving to Russia and then to England. There he became an outspoken defender of the rights of Hazaras, claiming that the Pashtun majority in Afghanistan had had too much power in all of Afghanistan's regimes.




Mohammad Karim Khalili

Abdul Karim Khalili is son of Mohammad Aslam. Karim Khalili was born in 1329 H.S. (1950) in Qol-e-Khesh Behsud. It means, a part of Behsud district, province of Maidan. He has been Economic Minister of Afghanistan from 1993-1995. Today Abdul Karim Khalili is the current Leader of Hizb-e-Wahdat and Vice President of Afghanistan.For more details about Abdul Karim Khalili and his political life, visit the official web-site of Hizb-e-Wahdat, so you can read his biography, background and much more.

Dienstag, 19. Dezember 2006

About Life of Baba Mazari

Abdul Ali Mazari was born 1946 in the village of Charkint, south of the northern Afghan city of Mazar-e-Sharif, in a Hazara family. Hence, the surname 'Mazari".He began his primary schooling in theology at the local school in his village, then went to Mazar-i Sharif , then Qom in Iran and then to Najaf in Iraq. Like most of the Hazaras of Afghanistan, Mazari grew up in poverty.In Iran Mazari was imprisoned and tortured after being accused of conspiracy against the Shah of Iran in assistance with Irani Shi'ite clerics.Simultaneously with the occupation of Afghanistan by the Red Army, Mazari returned to his birthplace and gained prominent place in the Anti-Soviet resistance movement. During the first years of the resistance, he lost his young brother, Mohammed Sultan, during a battle against the Soviet backed forces. He soon lost his sister and other members of his family in the resistance. His uncle, Mohammad Ja'afar, and his son, Mohammad Afzal, were imprisoned and killed by the puppet regime in Kabul. He also lost his father, Haji Khudadad, and his brother, Haji Mohammad Nabi, in the rebellion and resistance movement.Mazari was one of the founding members and the first leader of Hizb e Wahdat Islami Afghanistan (Islamic Unity Party). In the first Congress of the party he was elected leader of the Central Committee and in the second Congress, Secretary General of the Wahdat Party. Mazari's initiative led to the creation of the Jonbesh-e Shamal (Northern Movement), in which the country's most significant military forces joined ranks with the resistant rebels, leading to a coup d'etat and the eventual downfall of the regime in Kabul.The fall of Kabul to the Mujahideen led the foundation stone of the Afghan Civil War among various factions, parties and ethnic groups. During this period, Mazari led the forces of Hizb e Wahdat who were based in West Kabul. More than twenty-six fierce battles were fought between Hizb e Wahdat and the forces of Ahmad Shah Massoud, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Abdur Rasool Sayyaf and Abdul Rashid Dostum. The result was total destruction of Kabul city and the death of more than 50,000 civilians. More than 900 civilians were massacred in the Hazara dominated district of Afshar in Kabul and many more in Karte Seh, by the invading forces of Ahmad Shah Massoud and Abdur Rasool Sayyaf assisted by mainly Sayed traitors in Hizb e Wahdat.Mazari was lured into peace, betrayed and then brutally killed.EnlargeMazari was lured into peace, betrayed and then brutally killed.The Massoud-Hekmatyar-Sayyaf triangle never considered Hazaras to be of significance in the Afghan government. The Hazaras had been and have been targets of mass scale ethnic and religious persecution. Hazaras lived in the lowest class of Afghan social hierarchy. Because of having features different to those of other Afghans they could be easily pin pointed and distinguished. Majority of the Hazaras are followers of the Shi'ite branch of Islam in contrast to the majority Sunnis which has followers in all the other ethnic groups of Afghanistan. It wasn't until the battle for West Kabul that Hazaras came to global consideration as a potential power in Afghanistan.During the civil war these leaders changed affiliations on many occasions. Mazari's affiliations and peace accords on different occasions were with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Rasheed Dostum and the final one was a failed attempt of peace accord with the Taliban in 1996 which resulted in his own death.Hizb e Wahdat was also on many occasions accused of serious human rights violation and killing of civilians.When asked by Sayed Mansour Nabi: "What are your demands for your people?", Mazari replied: "Our only wish for our people is that being Hazara should no longer be a crime." The bloody tragedy at Afshar marked the darkest moment in the leader's life, the memory of which always brought tears to his eyes, whereupon he would sigh: "I wish I had not been alive to see the Afshar tragedy." In his speech in 8 Saur, 1372 AH (28 April 1994), on the day of the execution of the traitors responsible for the events at Afshar, he said: "The Afshar tragedy has completely overturned my beliefs." The hatred inspired in Mazari by the collaborators and traitors, was rooted in the depth of a tragedy which continued to pain him. In his speech at the commemoration ceremony for the martyrs of 23 Sonbolah 1373 AH (14 Sept 1994), Mazari, who exposed the depth of his pain, bitterly sighed: "The painful events of the Afshar tragedy, from whose memory our people and future generations shall always suffer and hurt, was the work of collaborators, led by Sayed Anvari." In recalling Sayed Hadi's betrayal, he added: "it is Sayed Hadi who is responsible for the blood of Ashar's 700 martyrs and for the destruction and looting of 4000 homes."The resistance of West Kabul against the occupation forces of Massoud, Hekmatyar, and Sayyaf lasted until Saturday, 21 Hoot (11 March, 1995). The west Kabul resistance was unique considering the imbalance of forces, weaponry, training and experience between the two sides.On Saturday, the 11th of March 1995, Mazari wrote to Mullah Burjan, Taliban commander before Mullah Omar:"Mr Mulla Burjan,"Greetings..."We have told you before that you will not be able to defend our front-line positions. We are still ready to defend our people if you return our heavy arms and arsenal into our hands. We can form a front-line of defense against Showra-ye Nizar and Rabbani composed, of these people. Our envoy has come to you; clarify your position so that we can take control of all of West Kabul."He wrote a second letter to the brave people of West Kabul, appealing to them to fight to the last drop of their blood, to repulse the enemies of their honor and good name, and to prevent a repetition of the Afshar tragedy.Mullah Burjan, the Taliban leader, requested for a personal meeting with Mazari. He set of towards Chahar Asiyab in the company of a group of the Central Committee members, in a convoy of two cars, whereupon they were betrayed, disarmed and arrested. His forces were disarmed and soon the whole of West Kabul came under Taliban rule.Though Mazari and his companions were intended to be transferred in helicopters to Kandahar, the Taliban stronghold, they were brutally killed somewhere close to the city of Ghazni.Mazari today is considered by the Hazaras as a legendary leader and an epitome of their historic struggle towards equal rights and justice in the Afghan society. He is likewise revered by the other ethnic groups on grounds of his steadfastness for the cause of Jihad and justice. Recently, the road from downtown to West Kabul has been named after him.

The Hazara Pioneers (1904)

The first contact between the British and the Hazaras seems to have been just before the First Afghan War, when some Hazara served in "Broadfoot's Sappers" (British Scouts) in about 1839-1840.For many years a considerable number of Hazaras used to come to India to work as laborers, particularly at heavy work such as quarrying. In 1903-1904, however, owing to extreme persecution by the Afghans, large numbers of Hazara refugees poured over the frontier. In 1904, Lord Kitchner, who at that time was Commander-in-Chief in India, directed Major C. W. Jacob to raise a battalion of Hazara Pioneers. Previous to this, the only Hazaras in the Indian Army were those enlisted in the 124th and 126th Baluchistan Infantry and a troop in the Guides Cavalry.The 106th Hazara Pioneers were raised at Quetta in 1904 by Major C. W. Jacob; a nucleus was formed by drafts from the 124th Duchess of Connaught's own and the 126th Baluchistan Infantry. The Battalion was composed of eight companies of Hazaras, and their permanent peace station was at Quetta. Their full dress uniform was drab with red facings.In 1918 the Hazaras of the 124th and the 126th Baluchistan Infantry were transferred to the 106 Hazara Pioneers, then on active service Mesopotamia. Prior to this, the Guides Cavalry had ceased to include Hazaras in their ranks. The 106th Hazara Pioneers were now the only unit in the Indian Army enlisting them.There were two changes in the title of the regiment after the 1914-1918 war. The 106th Hazara Pioneers became "The 1st Battalion 4th Pioneers" in 1922 and the "The Hazara Pioneers" in 1929. As a result of the financial crisis in 1933, all Pioneer Regiments in the Indian Army, including the Hazaras Pioneers, were disbanded.Since the 1914-1918 war, it had become increasingly difficult to recruit Hazaras from the Hazarajat; more recruits had to be taken from the Hazara colonies settled in the Mashhad area. These men, however, lacked many of the best qualities of the Hazaras enlisted from the Afghan highlands, directly. The difficulty in obtaining more of the latter was due chiefly to the change in the attitude of the Afghans towards the Hazaras who were no longer poorly treated and were now being freely enlisted in the Afghan Army. In addition, the Afghan government had requested the government of India not to continue enlisting their subjects (the Hazaras) in the Indian Army.Field Marshall Sir Claud W. Jacob was colonel of the regiment from 1916 until its disbandment in 1933.In 1915, one company served with distinction in France with the 107th Pioneers. The whole regiment was employed during 1915-1916 with the Kalat Column, and at Khwash in Sistan under General Dyer. In 1917 they served on the Mohmand Blockade Line, and sent one company to join the 128th Pioneers in Mesopotamia.In 1918, the whole regiment proceeded to Mesopotamia where, after serving for some months with the 18th Indian Division on the Tigris above Baghdad, they joined the 2nd Corps and were employed in helping the drive the railway through the Jabal Hamrin from Table Mountain on the Dajla (Tigris River).During 1919, they worked strenuously on the Shergat-Mosul Line of Communications. In the autumn they took part in the Kurdistan Operations. In 1920, they were again employed on the Shergat-Mosul Lines of Communications, completing their labors in 1921 by constructing a new road down the bank of the Tirgris from Shergat to Baji. They returned to Quetta in August 1921.During the above operations, several Indian Orders of Merit, as well as a number of Indian Distinguished Service Medals and Indian Meritorious Service Medals, were awarded to Hazaras for gallantry.During the Waziristan Operations of 1923-1924, the Hazara Pioneers took part in the road making through the Baravi Tangi and the Shahur Tangi. This was difficult work, which had to be completed against time. Afterward, they did considerable work on the railway and on frontier roads in Zhob.In 1917, due to the difficulty of enlisting a sufficient number of Hazaras from Afghanistan, the experiment was made of recruiting Baltis as a temporary measure. A recruiting party from the 106th Hazara Pioneers visited Baltistan in the late autumn of 1917. About 100 recruits were enlisted during 1917-1918 and even brought to Quetta for training, but the war ended before any of them were able to join the regiment overseas. After the armistice, nearly all these Baltis were demobilized and returned to their homes.The Hazara Pioneers were probably the best shooting regiment in the Indian Army. The men were naturally good shots and were tremendously keen. At the Divisional Rifle Meetings in Quetta, at least half the men in the battalion entered the open events and swept the board year after year. They won the Meerut Cup and King Emperor's Cup on several occasions, as well as the Carnatic Gold Cup and the Rawlinson Sheild.Although the Hazara Pioneers always had talented individual field hockey payers, it was not until after the Great War that they produced good teams. Their post-war successes were due mainly to the fact that the young soldiers from whom the teams were drawn, had been born and bred in the Hazara Lines in Quetta. They won a succession of District Hockey Tournaments and in 1926 also carried off the Western Command Hockey Cup. In the same year, two of their teams were chosen for the Indian Army hockey team, which had such a successful tour in New Zealand.

General Musa Khan Hazara


General Musa Khan Hazara was the Chief of Pakistan's Army Staff. He succeeded Field Marshal Ayub Khan, who assumed Presidency of Pakistan.He was the eldest son of Sardar Yazdan Khan, born in a Hazara family in Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan. He was a Naik (Junior Officer) in Hazara Pioneers and went to the Indian Military Academy in Dehra Dun as a cadet and graduated with the first batch of the Indian commissioned officers. He was posted to the 6th Royal Battalion,the 13th Frontier Force Rifles as a Platoon Commander in 1936. He took part in the Waziristan Operations in 1936-1938 and in World War II, where he served in North Africa. He served with distinction in the Pakistani Army and rose to the rank of the commander in chief of Pakistan Armed Forces during President Mohammad Ayub Khan’s regime (1958-1969).After Gen. Musa retired from the army, President Ayub Khan appointed him as the Governor of East Pakistan (Now Bangladesh) from 1967 to 1969. After serving for a few years, he retired and settled in Karachi. In 1987, he was once again involved in politics. He was appointed Governor of the Balochistan Province by the then President General Zia-ul-Haq. In Balochistan, Governor; General (Retd) Musa dissolved the provincial assembly in December 1988. However, the Balochistan High Court restored the assembly amid public condemnation of Governor's move. The step towards dissovling the assembly was believed to have been taken with the consent of the President and Prime Minister.General Mohammed Musa commanded the Army in the 1965 India - Pakistan War. He has narrated the events and experiences of the war in his book "My Version". In the book he has given accounts of the secret war that was going on in Kashmir between the two countries, long before the real war actuall began.General Musa was a simple man. He gave his opinion, then did not make it a matter of pride and remained quiet.General Musa Khan is the author of his autobiography, Jawan to General in which he describes his lifetime experiences from a simple foot-soldier rising to become a general.He died on 12 March 1991 in Quetta.

Dienstag, 12. Dezember 2006

About Life of Baba Mazari

Abdul Ali Mazari was born 1946 in the village of Charkint, south of the northern Afghan city of Mazar-e-Sharif, in a Hazara family. Hence, the surname 'Mazari".He began his primary schooling in theology at the local school in his village, then went to Mazar-i Sharif , then Qom in Iran and then to Najaf in Iraq. Like most of the Hazaras of Afghanistan, Mazari grew up in poverty.In Iran Mazari was imprisoned and tortured after being accused of conspiracy against the Shah of Iran in assistance with Irani Shi'ite clerics.Simultaneously with the occupation of Afghanistan by the Red Army, Mazari returned to his birthplace and gained prominent place in the Anti-Soviet resistance movement. During the first years of the resistance, he lost his young brother, Mohammed Sultan, during a battle against the Soviet backed forces. He soon lost his sister and other members of his family in the resistance. His uncle, Mohammad Ja'afar, and his son, Mohammad Afzal, were imprisoned and killed by the puppet regime in Kabul. He also lost his father, Haji Khudadad, and his brother, Haji Mohammad Nabi, in the rebellion and resistance movement.Mazari was one of the founding members and the first leader of Hizb e Wahdat Islami Afghanistan (Islamic Unity Party). In the first Congress of the party he was elected leader of the Central Committee and in the second Congress, Secretary General of the Wahdat Party. Mazari's initiative led to the creation of the Jonbesh-e Shamal (Northern Movement), in which the country's most significant military forces joined ranks with the resistant rebels, leading to a coup d'etat and the eventual downfall of the regime in Kabul.The fall of Kabul to the Mujahideen led the foundation stone of the Afghan Civil War among various factions, parties and ethnic groups. During this period, Mazari led the forces of Hizb e Wahdat who were based in West Kabul. More than twenty-six fierce battles were fought between Hizb e Wahdat and the forces of Ahmad Shah Massoud, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Abdur Rasool Sayyaf and Abdul Rashid Dostum. The result was total destruction of Kabul city and the death of more than 50,000 civilians. More than 900 civilians were massacred in the Hazara dominated district of Afshar in Kabul and many more in Karte Seh, by the invading forces of Ahmad Shah Massoud and Abdur Rasool Sayyaf assisted by mainly Sayed traitors in Hizb e Wahdat.Mazari was lured into peace, betrayed and then brutally killed.EnlargeMazari was lured into peace, betrayed and then brutally killed.The Massoud-Hekmatyar-Sayyaf triangle never considered Hazaras to be of significance in the Afghan government. The Hazaras had been and have been targets of mass scale ethnic and religious persecution. Hazaras lived in the lowest class of Afghan social hierarchy. Because of having features different to those of other Afghans they could be easily pin pointed and distinguished. Majority of the Hazaras are followers of the Shi'ite branch of Islam in contrast to the majority Sunnis which has followers in all the other ethnic groups of Afghanistan. It wasn't until the battle for West Kabul that Hazaras came to global consideration as a potential power in Afghanistan.During the civil war these leaders changed affiliations on many occasions. Mazari's affiliations and peace accords on different occasions were with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Rasheed Dostum and the final one was a failed attempt of peace accord with the Taliban in 1996 which resulted in his own death.Hizb e Wahdat was also on many occasions accused of serious human rights violation and killing of civilians.When asked by Sayed Mansour Nabi: "What are your demands for your people?", Mazari replied: "Our only wish for our people is that being Hazara should no longer be a crime." The bloody tragedy at Afshar marked the darkest moment in the leader's life, the memory of which always brought tears to his eyes, whereupon he would sigh: "I wish I had not been alive to see the Afshar tragedy." In his speech in 8 Saur, 1372 AH (28 April 1994), on the day of the execution of the traitors responsible for the events at Afshar, he said: "The Afshar tragedy has completely overturned my beliefs." The hatred inspired in Mazari by the collaborators and traitors, was rooted in the depth of a tragedy which continued to pain him. In his speech at the commemoration ceremony for the martyrs of 23 Sonbolah 1373 AH (14 Sept 1994), Mazari, who exposed the depth of his pain, bitterly sighed: "The painful events of the Afshar tragedy, from whose memory our people and future generations shall always suffer and hurt, was the work of collaborators, led by Sayed Anvari." In recalling Sayed Hadi's betrayal, he added: "it is Sayed Hadi who is responsible for the blood of Ashar's 700 martyrs and for the destruction and looting of 4000 homes."The resistance of West Kabul against the occupation forces of Massoud, Hekmatyar, and Sayyaf lasted until Saturday, 21 Hoot (11 March, 1995). The west Kabul resistance was unique considering the imbalance of forces, weaponry, training and experience between the two sides.On Saturday, the 11th of March 1995, Mazari wrote to Mullah Burjan, Taliban commander before Mullah Omar:"Mr Mulla Burjan,"Greetings..."We have told you before that you will not be able to defend our front-line positions. We are still ready to defend our people if you return our heavy arms and arsenal into our hands. We can form a front-line of defense against Showra-ye Nizar and Rabbani composed, of these people. Our envoy has come to you; clarify your position so that we can take control of all of West Kabul."He wrote a second letter to the brave people of West Kabul, appealing to them to fight to the last drop of their blood, to repulse the enemies of their honor and good name, and to prevent a repetition of the Afshar tragedy.Mullah Burjan, the Taliban leader, requested for a personal meeting with Mazari. He set of towards Chahar Asiyab in the company of a group of the Central Committee members, in a convoy of two cars, whereupon they were betrayed, disarmed and arrested. His forces were disarmed and soon the whole of West Kabul came under Taliban rule.Though Mazari and his companions were intended to be transferred in helicopters to Kandahar, the Taliban stronghold, they were brutally killed somewhere close to the city of Ghazni.Mazari today is considered by the Hazaras as a legendary leader and an epitome of their historic struggle towards equal rights and justice in the Afghan society. He is likewise revered by the other ethnic groups on grounds of his steadfastness for the cause of Jihad and justice. Recently, the road from downtown to West Kabul has been named after him.

About hazaras

History Of Hazaras

Hazaras are predominantly Shia Muslims, although there are significant populations of Sunni and Ismaili Hazaras in north and northwestern Afghanistan. Often Sunni Hazaras can blur the lines with the Tajiks and Pashtuns.

The Hazaras seem to have mainly Mongolian origins with some Caucasoid admixture, as evidenced by physical attributes and parts of their culture and language. It is commonly believed that the Hazara are descendants of the army of Genghis Khan, which marched into the area in the 12th century, but there are also beliefs holding Hazaras as descendents of the Koshanis, the ancient dwellers of Afghanistan famous for constructing the Buddhas of Bamyan; or Hazaras as people of Turkic origin. Proponents of the Mongol view hold that many of the Mongol soldiers and their families settled in the area and remained there after the Mongol Empire dissolved in the 13th century, converting to Islam and adopting local customs (cultural diffusion).
However, the main Mongolian mixing theory is contested on the basis of historical events surrounding Genghis Khan's invasion of what today constitutes central Afghanistan. The invading Mongol armies encountered fierce resistance from the locals around Bamyan, who had Asian features like the invading Mongols. This suggests that people with Mongolian features inhabited central Afghanistan, possibly of Uyghur Turkic origin, long before Genghis Khan's invasion and probably arrived there in much earlier waves of migration out of Central Asia.
Historical records also mention that in a particularly bloody battle around Bamyan, Genghis Khan's grandson Motochin was killed. He ordered Bamyan burnt to the ground in retribution, renaming it Ma-Obaliq ("Uninhabitable Abode").
After the fall of the Il-Khan empire in Persia, the Safavid Shah Abbas drove out the Mongols from Persia to Khorasan (present-day Afghanistan). Some sources say he drove out the Uzbeks but the distinction is unclear. Around 1550, the first mention of Hazaras are made by the court historians of Shah Abbas, as well as in the Baburnama distinguishing Hazaras from the Chughtai Uzbeks. This is when the national identity of Hazaras apparently began.

Language:
The Hazaragi language is a unique dialect of the Persian language, with some Mongolian and Turkish vocabulary. Many of the urban Hazaras in the larger cities of Kabul and Mazari Sharif speak Dari, while Hazaras from the Dai Kundi and Dai Zangi regions have the many admixture of the Mongolian in their language. Hazaras in Quetta,Pakistan date back to around 1890, and use more Urdu and English words.
Politics:

Since the early 1990s, the Hizb-e-Wahdat political party is the most important Hazara movement. The most influential member, prior to his capture and execution by the Taliban, was Abdul Ali Mazari. This execution at the hands of the Taliban made Hojjatul Islam Abdul Ali Mazari a martyr and a hero to the impoverished Hazara peoples

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